UNITED
The wonderful events all over Italy have seen the streets and metalworkers working with them and all other categories of workers, students, community centers and citizens, who want to defend democracy. E 'strike of metal workers, but also a day of struggle that speaks to the world of work.
This great struggle movement has a definite point of avvio.Quando Pomigliano in June last year to 40% of workers said no to the first of many standing blackmail made by Marchionne, maybe it was not yet clear the extent constituent of the refusal. Yet it did. Since then, social relations, conflicts, institutions and democracy, have increasingly been redefined along the lines proposed by Marchionne and opposition to it. From the outset it was clear that the managing director of Fiat was not simply a production model
particularly vicious and unfair, but a reactionary project for the whole Italian society. With the crisis, rather than trying to change something in the liberal model that has produced it, the ruling classes, the rich, the caste of managers and the big bourgeoisie have chosen a course pure social regression. The workers have reappeared on the scene information to be accused of
be the real creators of the crisis. With their national contract, their absenteeism, strikes and their lack of willingness to work.
Faced with the power and arrogance of this offensive could fear a collapse of our democracy and not instead of Fiom Pomigliano has become an increasingly large component of social opposition, cultural, moral. The night that counted cards were half Mirafiori Italy remained awake, to follow that vote with more passion than if they had been
general political elections and the bottom was. Now we have to move on. We need to insist and obtain a general strike by the CGIL. We have to rebuild a democratic politics that leads to another model of development and finally affirming equality and social justice. For those who have been in this place on Friday also need to rebuild the tools and channels of its representation. There is a building which has given arms and baggage to the arrogance of the multinationals and the system of masters, but there is an opposition that grows and produces social and cultural commitment. In a few months there has been a restart of Italy, now we must go forward.
Pasquale Massimiliano Panico
PRC-Communist Federation of the Left
Saturday, January 29, 2011
Thursday, January 27, 2011
Cover Letter For Inter Dealer Broker
I can do this not enough to recall
might seem inappropriate and provocative, on the occasion of Remembrance Day, to assert and emphasize the limits of the recall, but I think that in this moment of reflection for many years dedicated to the victims of the Holocaust should be questioning the political and educational value of memory, a value that we can not think either implicit or implied. Shortly before he died tragically Primo Levi had proposed to rethink the usefulness of the trips to Auschwitz aimed at boys and girls. Just as a former deportee, the author Turin saw the limits of these trips in their being often a mere ritual, which is not going to touch deep in the conscience and feelings of adolescents: a trip school, therefore, with a day's visit to the camp in which, when it was good, the boys posed as they face the grief and sadness. And nothing, or almost. These operations, like all the other occasions on which we remember the victims merely a ritualistic and rhetorical homage distracted, are not only unnecessary but make the game just for those who would like to forget.
It is no coincidence that in recent years, not only in Italy, the Holocaust has entered the public debate as a political tool, often wielded by the very forces that until a few years ago were at his side, more or less ammicanti, the various reissues of revisionism. Today the memory of the Holocaust is also used instrumentally to stigmatize the behavior of political leaders, especially the Islamic world, which in turn would be the "new Hitler", you do not see the horizon, however, a discourse on the Holocaust that makes evident in his current character have achieved a combination of technology and power in his possession and gradually ousted all rights of minorities and every speech in their favor, having in his endless, alongside the Jews and the Jews, communists and democrats, and Roma, Jehovah's Witnesses, homosexuals and political opponents. The Holocaust is about us: about us as human beings, we lodged in our consciousness that the monster is ready to be reborn when some political manipulator can legitimize pulses, of which we continually draw around us we see the gray area of \u200b\u200bthe collaborators of the domain, the obtuse officials are ready to obey every order, prone to any of the courtiers of the prince of desire and turn blind and deaf to any critical thinking .
But the Holocaust comes to us also because the procedures and policies of extermination were not destroyed by the extraordinary power of resistance that swept fascism. Seats differentiated Lombard doc on metropolitan pigs tend to urinate on the ground on which it is raised a mosque, nursery schools banned the children of illegal immigrants, and doctors and school administrators to report the lights reduced to clandestine you treat or attend school. Who does not see in these proposals, for now just throw it there "to see how he does", draw a plan that obviously will not bring the same result dall'hitlerismo but it certainly goes fishing in the same murky area of \u200b\u200bemotions, anger, irrationality? So
remembering is not enough, it is a civic duty and moral and political, but it can not be the end or purpose of an educational, but it must be the beginning. We start from the memory into an instrument of change and protest against a dimension of evil that is still with us, not only in the proposals for political or racist movements anti-democratic, but in our daily lives, as the bar at the station, at school and in the square "staying home and going by" an evil that feeds on the humiliation of the different turns of the beating homosexuality, ' insult to the Maghreb, violence to women, the district still not suitable for children and baby. There is a withered and faded memory, a memory that is not asking any more, not feeling any more moves, there is a poem of memory, a creative force, that manages to give birth to new ways of living together, new policies, new human beings. That is, faced with memories of the deportees and the deportation, not just open the door to the emotions, too often left to themselves and therefore unnecessary emotional memory of the world must move to the universe of reason, criticism, politics. In the poetry of memory, then, the past flows into the future, the memory encompasses the design, nostalgia bride utopia: remembering is not enough if it is not the beginning of a political effort to build a different future, and indeed it is even harmful if it is just an empty ritual, which helps us to close our eyes to the violence of today, tomorrow may not even have the honor of a day of reflection of their own.
might seem inappropriate and provocative, on the occasion of Remembrance Day, to assert and emphasize the limits of the recall, but I think that in this moment of reflection for many years dedicated to the victims of the Holocaust should be questioning the political and educational value of memory, a value that we can not think either implicit or implied. Shortly before he died tragically Primo Levi had proposed to rethink the usefulness of the trips to Auschwitz aimed at boys and girls. Just as a former deportee, the author Turin saw the limits of these trips in their being often a mere ritual, which is not going to touch deep in the conscience and feelings of adolescents: a trip school, therefore, with a day's visit to the camp in which, when it was good, the boys posed as they face the grief and sadness. And nothing, or almost. These operations, like all the other occasions on which we remember the victims merely a ritualistic and rhetorical homage distracted, are not only unnecessary but make the game just for those who would like to forget.
It is no coincidence that in recent years, not only in Italy, the Holocaust has entered the public debate as a political tool, often wielded by the very forces that until a few years ago were at his side, more or less ammicanti, the various reissues of revisionism. Today the memory of the Holocaust is also used instrumentally to stigmatize the behavior of political leaders, especially the Islamic world, which in turn would be the "new Hitler", you do not see the horizon, however, a discourse on the Holocaust that makes evident in his current character have achieved a combination of technology and power in his possession and gradually ousted all rights of minorities and every speech in their favor, having in his endless, alongside the Jews and the Jews, communists and democrats, and Roma, Jehovah's Witnesses, homosexuals and political opponents. The Holocaust is about us: about us as human beings, we lodged in our consciousness that the monster is ready to be reborn when some political manipulator can legitimize pulses, of which we continually draw around us we see the gray area of \u200b\u200bthe collaborators of the domain, the obtuse officials are ready to obey every order, prone to any of the courtiers of the prince of desire and turn blind and deaf to any critical thinking .
But the Holocaust comes to us also because the procedures and policies of extermination were not destroyed by the extraordinary power of resistance that swept fascism. Seats differentiated Lombard doc on metropolitan pigs tend to urinate on the ground on which it is raised a mosque, nursery schools banned the children of illegal immigrants, and doctors and school administrators to report the lights reduced to clandestine you treat or attend school. Who does not see in these proposals, for now just throw it there "to see how he does", draw a plan that obviously will not bring the same result dall'hitlerismo but it certainly goes fishing in the same murky area of \u200b\u200bemotions, anger, irrationality? So
remembering is not enough, it is a civic duty and moral and political, but it can not be the end or purpose of an educational, but it must be the beginning. We start from the memory into an instrument of change and protest against a dimension of evil that is still with us, not only in the proposals for political or racist movements anti-democratic, but in our daily lives, as the bar at the station, at school and in the square "staying home and going by" an evil that feeds on the humiliation of the different turns of the beating homosexuality, ' insult to the Maghreb, violence to women, the district still not suitable for children and baby. There is a withered and faded memory, a memory that is not asking any more, not feeling any more moves, there is a poem of memory, a creative force, that manages to give birth to new ways of living together, new policies, new human beings. That is, faced with memories of the deportees and the deportation, not just open the door to the emotions, too often left to themselves and therefore unnecessary emotional memory of the world must move to the universe of reason, criticism, politics. In the poetry of memory, then, the past flows into the future, the memory encompasses the design, nostalgia bride utopia: remembering is not enough if it is not the beginning of a political effort to build a different future, and indeed it is even harmful if it is just an empty ritual, which helps us to close our eyes to the violence of today, tomorrow may not even have the honor of a day of reflection of their own.
Friday, January 21, 2011
Mount And Blade Kaip Lost Online
Write WATER LAW AND FREEDOM'
With the green light of the Constitutional Court to two of the three referendum questions Forum sponsored by the Italian movement for a first win of the water has already been achieved.
We have always said that "it writes and reads water democracy", namely that, on an essential commodity that belongs to all, must be women and men of this country to be able to decide: Now all this becomes possible, and next spring the Italian people will decide. They've already done more than 1.4 million men and women who signed the referendum questions, I can now do the whole Italian people.
With the green light of the Constitutional Court to two of the three referendum questions Forum sponsored by the Italian movement for an initial water victory has been achieved. The water battle is a path that is far from settled and that years of work in a new narrative on the commons, a path of protest and proposals. At
lobbies and Federutility amphids (the powers that the privatization of water), who like to disparage our work, we say that our bill, with over 400,000 signatures lies more than three years in the drawers of the parliamentary committees, without any of the current parliamentary political forces has raised the problem to read it or discuss it. But they can hide as well: now, not just ask, but we demand that it passed a decree a moratorium on the effects of the "Law Ronchi" we find unacceptable, on the substance and method in which a rule under which a few months could be repealed, it continues to proceed by accelerating privatization in all territories. We also ask, and we will do all the steps necessary institutional, now that you opt for the consolidation of the date of the referendum vote with that of the next local elections: an application of common sense in a normal country, a goal of struggle in this country from Lost Democracy. For this reason we believe that the common thread that binds the mobilizations for the water to all territorial fights for the common good, the student protests and the world of research and training, to the struggles of the precarious and metal workers must become a new social network of which the collective reappropriation of social rights and public goods and their participatory governance provide a new model of society. Out of their crisis, in our hopes for the future.
Pasquale Massimiliano Panico Secretary
Refoundation Communist federation of the left
With the green light of the Constitutional Court to two of the three referendum questions Forum sponsored by the Italian movement for a first win of the water has already been achieved.
We have always said that "it writes and reads water democracy", namely that, on an essential commodity that belongs to all, must be women and men of this country to be able to decide: Now all this becomes possible, and next spring the Italian people will decide. They've already done more than 1.4 million men and women who signed the referendum questions, I can now do the whole Italian people.
With the green light of the Constitutional Court to two of the three referendum questions Forum sponsored by the Italian movement for an initial water victory has been achieved. The water battle is a path that is far from settled and that years of work in a new narrative on the commons, a path of protest and proposals. At
lobbies and Federutility amphids (the powers that the privatization of water), who like to disparage our work, we say that our bill, with over 400,000 signatures lies more than three years in the drawers of the parliamentary committees, without any of the current parliamentary political forces has raised the problem to read it or discuss it. But they can hide as well: now, not just ask, but we demand that it passed a decree a moratorium on the effects of the "Law Ronchi" we find unacceptable, on the substance and method in which a rule under which a few months could be repealed, it continues to proceed by accelerating privatization in all territories. We also ask, and we will do all the steps necessary institutional, now that you opt for the consolidation of the date of the referendum vote with that of the next local elections: an application of common sense in a normal country, a goal of struggle in this country from Lost Democracy. For this reason we believe that the common thread that binds the mobilizations for the water to all territorial fights for the common good, the student protests and the world of research and training, to the struggles of the precarious and metal workers must become a new social network of which the collective reappropriation of social rights and public goods and their participatory governance provide a new model of society. Out of their crisis, in our hopes for the future.
Pasquale Massimiliano Panico Secretary
Refoundation Communist federation of the left
Monday, January 10, 2011
How To Make A Extend Tripod
AGAINST THE PARTY CAPITAL OF U.S. ALL
week that opens is one of those cha left their mark in the history of the country. First for Fiat story. Liberation As clarified in recent weeks, blackmail mafia Marchionne, by focusing on the relationship of production, has a political general. The lifting of the possibility of the workers to organize unionized factory is not only an attack on the achievements of the '70s, but of the constitutional structure of our country. The reduction of labor to a commodity is the negation of the republic founded by the resistance and founded on work. The offensive of the Fiat prelude and then a change of regime, in which the symbolic sanction the manipulation of the material constitution of the country, to be implemented through a plebiscite, is the formal assumption of the twisting of the Constitution. This is a real conservative revolution. The Fiat is not new to this kind of forcing.
After the defeat of the occupation of the factories in 1920, in April 1921 opened an offensive Fiat with the aim to remove regulations that provide for the Commissioners department (shop stewards) and the presence of the union at the factory. Faced with opposition from the Fiom, implemented a lockout in order to blackmail the workers. After a few weeks, now reduced to starvation, the majority of the workers agreed to sign the new regulation of individual works that included the abolition of Commissioners department. Following the Fiat factory opened by applying the new regulation which had been signed under blackmail by the majority of the workers and fired 1500, in large part to ward commissioners and communists.
What happened next, with the advent of fascism know. It was again Fiat's initiative to close the decade of struggles of the '70s and pave the way for the demolition of the subject of that decade had been the backbone: the union councils. In 1979 the Fiat fired 61 workers with inconsistent formal reasons, but it was leaked to terrorists. The response was weak el'offensiva passed. Employees who reinstate the judges were never brought within the factory. After this first offensive "to taste" left the attack itself, with the demand of 14,000 redundancies then processed in layoffs at zero hour for 23 thousand people. This unfortunate arrangement not only closed the season of the syndicated advice but opened the season craxiana restoration. Today, Fiat is back to lead the dance, and directing the party to be middle class. The objective of the Fiat is to indicate a road organically right to address the crisis of capital. The reduction of labor to clean the dependent variable is the prerequisite for the reduction of politics to the mere servant of the company into global competition. Fiat wants to achieve the utopia of capitalist deterritorialize the company, to make working conditions indifferent to the territory when you work for global capital. Until now, the owners relocate the company to look into conditions more favorable to them, the Fiat is now up next, unifying the downward conditions of Italian workers. Fiat wants to abolish the national labor contract to enforce the contract of globalization, one individual, one in which every worker is in competition with each other on a global scale. Fiat, in full competition and solidarity with Berlusconi in Italy wants to build a real negative impact of restructuring in the European laboratory. If the first step involves labor relations, the second will cover the constitutional and legislative framework in which labor relations are determined. Quite simply, democracy is the form in which capitalism in the West has managed its growth and development phase, but not the form in which capitalism can manage the impoverishment of a country. I speak of impoverishment for a reason. The decision to demolish the national contracts and precarious work is a full range of low wages and destruction of welfare, that is a choice of impoverishment of large sectors of the population - from young people - which aims to build a more hierarchical and uneven.
This conservative revolution in Marchionne and Berlusconi are holders will not be painless and not a foregone conclusion. The main problem that affected, is to break the horizon of progress, which represents the true sense of common ground in the country. It is not easy to convince millions of parents that their children will be worse than they are to them. It is not easy to convince those guys and girls who have stolen life, which ended the war without knowing it, who should pay the consequences while the rich look down. It is not easy to convince generations that "went wrong", who are victims of bad luck and patience.
The attack is so strong, but not without contradictions and weaknesses. Decisive for us to act quickly and clearly knowing that the next few days will be decisive for the rest of the battle. There are three priorities on which to act. First, we need to operate in the Fiat that goes through a plebiscite Marchionne. Secondly, it must build an awareness mass between young people and workers of what is happening in Fiat, for all its implications and the need for a unified response, the general strike. Third, it should build a mass campaign against federalism - which will vote in the coming weeks - and that represents a level territorial application of the line Marchionne on the company.
The revival of the Communist Party of the PRC and the Federation of the Left, the revival of our proposed unit to which the other forces of the left continue to make a deaf ear, it can not happen in vivo of the clash that opened.
week that opens is one of those cha left their mark in the history of the country. First for Fiat story. Liberation As clarified in recent weeks, blackmail mafia Marchionne, by focusing on the relationship of production, has a political general. The lifting of the possibility of the workers to organize unionized factory is not only an attack on the achievements of the '70s, but of the constitutional structure of our country. The reduction of labor to a commodity is the negation of the republic founded by the resistance and founded on work. The offensive of the Fiat prelude and then a change of regime, in which the symbolic sanction the manipulation of the material constitution of the country, to be implemented through a plebiscite, is the formal assumption of the twisting of the Constitution. This is a real conservative revolution. The Fiat is not new to this kind of forcing.
After the defeat of the occupation of the factories in 1920, in April 1921 opened an offensive Fiat with the aim to remove regulations that provide for the Commissioners department (shop stewards) and the presence of the union at the factory. Faced with opposition from the Fiom, implemented a lockout in order to blackmail the workers. After a few weeks, now reduced to starvation, the majority of the workers agreed to sign the new regulation of individual works that included the abolition of Commissioners department. Following the Fiat factory opened by applying the new regulation which had been signed under blackmail by the majority of the workers and fired 1500, in large part to ward commissioners and communists.
What happened next, with the advent of fascism know. It was again Fiat's initiative to close the decade of struggles of the '70s and pave the way for the demolition of the subject of that decade had been the backbone: the union councils. In 1979 the Fiat fired 61 workers with inconsistent formal reasons, but it was leaked to terrorists. The response was weak el'offensiva passed. Employees who reinstate the judges were never brought within the factory. After this first offensive "to taste" left the attack itself, with the demand of 14,000 redundancies then processed in layoffs at zero hour for 23 thousand people. This unfortunate arrangement not only closed the season of the syndicated advice but opened the season craxiana restoration. Today, Fiat is back to lead the dance, and directing the party to be middle class. The objective of the Fiat is to indicate a road organically right to address the crisis of capital. The reduction of labor to clean the dependent variable is the prerequisite for the reduction of politics to the mere servant of the company into global competition. Fiat wants to achieve the utopia of capitalist deterritorialize the company, to make working conditions indifferent to the territory when you work for global capital. Until now, the owners relocate the company to look into conditions more favorable to them, the Fiat is now up next, unifying the downward conditions of Italian workers. Fiat wants to abolish the national labor contract to enforce the contract of globalization, one individual, one in which every worker is in competition with each other on a global scale. Fiat, in full competition and solidarity with Berlusconi in Italy wants to build a real negative impact of restructuring in the European laboratory. If the first step involves labor relations, the second will cover the constitutional and legislative framework in which labor relations are determined. Quite simply, democracy is the form in which capitalism in the West has managed its growth and development phase, but not the form in which capitalism can manage the impoverishment of a country. I speak of impoverishment for a reason. The decision to demolish the national contracts and precarious work is a full range of low wages and destruction of welfare, that is a choice of impoverishment of large sectors of the population - from young people - which aims to build a more hierarchical and uneven.
This conservative revolution in Marchionne and Berlusconi are holders will not be painless and not a foregone conclusion. The main problem that affected, is to break the horizon of progress, which represents the true sense of common ground in the country. It is not easy to convince millions of parents that their children will be worse than they are to them. It is not easy to convince those guys and girls who have stolen life, which ended the war without knowing it, who should pay the consequences while the rich look down. It is not easy to convince generations that "went wrong", who are victims of bad luck and patience.
The attack is so strong, but not without contradictions and weaknesses. Decisive for us to act quickly and clearly knowing that the next few days will be decisive for the rest of the battle. There are three priorities on which to act. First, we need to operate in the Fiat that goes through a plebiscite Marchionne. Secondly, it must build an awareness mass between young people and workers of what is happening in Fiat, for all its implications and the need for a unified response, the general strike. Third, it should build a mass campaign against federalism - which will vote in the coming weeks - and that represents a level territorial application of the line Marchionne on the company.
The revival of the Communist Party of the PRC and the Federation of the Left, the revival of our proposed unit to which the other forces of the left continue to make a deaf ear, it can not happen in vivo of the clash that opened.
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